A WEEKLY COMMENTARY
Year Twenty-Nine ... Number Twenty ... May 21, 1982
BOOKS THAT SHAKE THE WORLD
"History," remarked Cicero, himself a historian and Roman patriot, "is the witness of the times, the torch of truth, the life of memory, the teacher of life, the messenger of antiquity." He laid down certain rules by which a historian should be judged: "The first law is that the historian shall never dare to set down what is false; the second, that he shall never dare to conceal the truth; the third, that there shall be no suspicion in his work either of favoritism or prejudice." Unfortunately, with the passage of time and the development of more sophisticated methods of conspiracy, Cicero's words have been unread, forgotten or ignored by those who have been accepted as historians by the agents who censor and control all communications media, including history books. Thus, these so-called historians are not so much historians as opinion molders, writers who are willing to set down what may not be true, who commit sins of omission by concealing much of what they may know to be true. One of the first rules of The Conspirators, as declared by one of the first of our historical era, Adam Weishaupt, is to control all writings and to set up a system of censorship so that all avenues of communication are banned if not favorable to The Conspiracy, and that are prejudiced in favor of what has been called "The Society of the Elite."
It is unusual, therefore, to find any such "accepted" historians breaking loose from the bonds of such censorship and writing revisionist histories that really expose certain facets of the overall Conspiracy. As one reviewer observed:
| On rare occasions a book is published which must forever alter the way in which we view the world around us. Within a short while it becomes difficult to understand how we could have functioned without the knowledge gained from it. |
In less than twenty years three such books have been published, books dealing with history, books that are quite possibly the most important studies of modern history since de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America." One of these books was written by James H. Billington: "Fire in the Minds of Men - Origins of the Revolutionary Faith." The other two are by the late Carroll Quigley. Most of our readers will be familiar with what is contained in Quigley's "Tragedy and Hope, A History of the World in Our Time." Equally important, there has been published posthumously and quite recently, "The Anglo-American Establishment." This latter book was written and prepared for publication as early as 1949. But its contents were so sensational, and so very truthful, that no publisher could be found until recently, 1981 to be precise. This is a book which traces the development of the One World Conspiracy from the time of "The Round Table," "Milner's Kindergarten," Rhode's Secret Society, and the Royal Institute of International Affairs, through the establishment of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and other organizations of the Anglo-American Establishment. In his introduction to this book, Quigley wrote:
| It is not easy for an outsider to write the history of a secret group of this kind, but .. it should be done, for this group is .. one of the most important historical facts of the twentieth century ... I suppose in the long view my attitude would not be far different from that of the society ... but agreeing with the group on goals, I cannot agree with them on methods ... In this group were persons who must command the admiration and affection of all who know of them. On the other hand, in this group were persons whose lives have been a disaster to our way of life. Unfortunately, the influence of the latter have been stronger. I have been told that the story I relate here would be better left untold ... but I feel the truth, once told, can be of injury to no men of good will. |
In his book "Fire in the Minds of Men," Billington delineates and documents a different phase of the One World Conspiracy. When taken together, the works of Quigley and Billington illustrate the fact that there are two broad highways leading to World Government. One is usually referred to as the Socialist Route, which includes any number of mass movements and political parties that promote "equality" as well as collectivism, such as Communism, Fascism, Fabianism, Social Democracy, Welfare Statism, etc. The other broad highway leading toward the New World Order is in no sense a movement involving masses of people. It is a closely knit secret society whose members are International Bankers, Industrial Monopolists, Media Managers, and their carefully selected agents who usually are found in such exclusive "clubs" as the Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilateral Commission, the Committee for Economic Development, the Organization for Economic and Commercial Development, the Bilderberg Group, the Club of Rome, and the rest of the organizations not specifically identified with and supposedly in opposition to the Communist wing of the Socialist movement. It is with the Socialist Route that Billington deals, and favors. He insists that it is more than just a revolutionary movement as such; it is a kind of new religion, a "faith" which as a secular religion is due to replace Christianity (even as Secular Humanism is about to do in the United States). Billington writes:
| This book seeks to trace the origins of a faith - perhaps the faith of our time. Modern revolutionaries are believers, no less committed and intense than were the Christians and Muslims of an earlier age. What is new is the belief that a perfect secular order will emerge from the forcible overthrown of traditional authority. This inherently imnplausible idea gave dynamism to Europe in the nineteenth century, and has become the most successful ideological export of the West to the world, in the twentieth. |
This "faith" about which Billington writes began, as he documents it, with the Masonic lodges of the eighteenth century; its ritualism and orders copied from the Jesuits. The "faith" progressed from Germany to France where it inspired the French Revolution, to the other countries of Europe, was especially promoted by Karl Marx who found both Germany and France too hot for his prescence, settled in London from where he lived on the bounties of his associate Friedrich Engels. Billington notes that "the city is the crucible of modern revolution." Although the first revolutionary leaders were intellectuals (still are), Marx originally had the idea that the revolution would be accomplished through the proletarian class, the "workers of the world" who "had nothing to lose but their chains." He soon learned, however, that though it still was called a "revolution of the proletariat," the proletarian masses provided a poor army, that he must continue to depend upon the intellectuals and the men with money who would support him (as did his partner, Engels). In writing about it, Billington agrees that if this new "faith" is to overturn the world, it must begin in the cities. He writes that "The revolutionary tradition, seen from below, is a narrative of urban unrest successfully dominated by Paris and St. Petersburg." But, most important in his history of this "fire that is a faith," Billington starts at the proper beginning of the "Socialist Route" to the New World Order. He writes:
If freemasonry provided a general millieu and symbolic vocabulary for revolutionary organization, it was Illuminism that provided its basic structural model. It may be well to trace in some detail the nature and impact of this baffling movement, because its influence was far from negligible and has been as neglected in recent times as it was exaggerated in an earlier era. The Order of Illuminism was founded on May 1, 1776, by a professor of canon law at the University of Ingolstadt in Bavaria, Adam Weishaupt, and four associates. The order was secret and hierarchical, modeled on the Jesuits and dedicated to Weishaupt's Rousseauian vision of leading all humanity to a new moral perfection freed from all established religious and political authority. Weishaupt did not so much invite intellectuals to join his new pedagogic elite as taunt them to do so. He radiated contempt for men of the Enlightenment who 'go into ecstacies over antiquity, but are themselves unable to do anything,' and insisted that 'what is missing is the force to put into practice what has long been affirmed by our minds'." |
In a review of Billington's book by Medford Evans, appearing in the October 1981 issue of "American Opinion", Evans writes: "The logical link with Marx and with Lenin is obvious. The link with the French Revolution is established, through Mirabeau and others. The point I want to leave with you ... is simply this: Why have a thousand scholarly experts for two decades treated with a show of silent contempt, as if the Illuminati were all a fairy tale, the well established position .. that in this order was the central focus of what is now a Master Conspiracy?"
The answer to Evans' question might be considered acadmic. Any number of qualified and reputable historians and researchers have recognized that the Order of the Illuminati was the beginning of what is now a Master Conspiracy. John Robison in 1797 published the first English-language book exposing the Illuminati and explaining how it had penetrated into certain Masonic Lodges. He titled his book "Proofs of a Conspiracy." Nesta Webster, in her books on the subject, especially "The Socialist Network", identified the movement as a conspiracy. In later times there have been many accredited writers who accept "The Conspiracy" as a fact, not a theory.
The same is true of the "second avenue" toward the New World Order, which Quigley has identified as "The Society of the Elect." It too has been thoroughly identified, and the facts documented, proving it to be the other side of the Master Conspiracy. But, following the pattern laid down by Weishaupt, control and censorship of the communications media have been so firmly established that books and articles revealing the truth are never mentioned in such publications as The New York Times Book Review section. Historians and researchers who dare to call it a conspiracy are criticized, condemned, subjected to character assassination and their works suppressed whenever and whereever possible. As the author of the blurb on the dust jacket of "The Anglo-American Establishment" comments:
| While the notion of conspiratorial influence on world events has gained credence with both extremities of the American political spectrum, and to a degree with the general public, the more acadmically-oriented person has tended to downplay such influence, largely because of the lack of scholarship in the presentation and analysis of the facts by those supporting the conspiracy theories. In addition, many such supporters have made themselves easy to ignore and, in fact, have themselves always assumed that they would be ignored. Professor Quigley's work does not suffer from these defects. The evidence he presents ... appears irrefutable. |
In this denigrating statement concerning us other Conspiracy buffs, the writer (not Quigley) makes our point and also emphasizes the real importance of books written by men such as Quigley and Billington. The blurb-writer indicates that we others -- John Robinson, Nesta Webster, Dan Smoot, Gary Allen, or name your own favorite Conspiracy advocate -- can be treated with "silent contempt." Not because what we write is neither factual nor truthful, but because we can be labeled as "extremists." Therefore we are prejudiced and our works deserve to be burned. On the other hand, take a writer who is in favor of the aims of the Conspirators, has examined their files and records with approval, but merely dislikes the methods used by the Conspirators; let such a person write the same message as ours, perhaps even in the same words, and those who won't believe us will probably believe him. That is why Quigley's witness is important. Our evidence is labeled "Questionable", but his (the same evidence) becomes "irrefutable." Of course, Quigley did overstep the limits a bit. When the members of the "Society of the Elect" learned what Quigley had actually written in his "Tragedy and Hope", there was an attempt to ban the book, and his sudden death did seem a little strange. Billington, on the other hand, is being accepted wholeheartedly by the "elitists." His book is being advertised in Foreign Affairs and being promoted in intellectual publications. This is probably because he wrote only about the Socialist wing of the Conspiracy, wrote not a word about the more sinister, controlling, closed "Society of the Elect." Furthermore, the affiliations and connections between the Socialist and Super Capitalist forces of the Conspiracy were spelled out by Quigley, left untouched by Billington. Nevertheless, "Fire in the Minds of Men" is a very important book, because it fills in those times, events and spaces between Weishaupt in 1776 and Lenin in 1917. This information, so thoroughly documented, has been hard to come by previously.
A final word about the Quigley contribution. In his book that was written first (1949) but published last (1981), Quigley wrote of the Conspiracy as plotted by Cecil Rhodes and Nathan Rothschild, Arnold Toynbee and Alfred Milner and others of the "Society of the Elect" from 1875 to 1945, at which time, according to Quigley, "it would seem that the great idealistic adventure which began in 1875 had slowly ground its way to a finish of bitterness and ashes."
So he wrote in 1949. But apparently he discovered that the Conspiracy had not ended: the power base of the "Society" had just been shifted from London to New York City, from Rothschild to Rockefeller, from Chatham House in London to the Harold Pratt House in New York City where the CFR is headquartered. So Quigley began to write again, this time chronicling the continuing Conspiracy up to 1966, at which time the book which he wrote last but was published first, "Tragedy and Hope" appeared in book sotres for a brief spell.
It was Taylor Caldwell who said: "I have fought these enemies of liberty in every book I have written. But too few have listened to me, as too few have listened to others who have warned of these conspirators. The hour is late. Americans must soon listen and act ... or endure the black night of slavery that is worse than death."
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BOOKS DISCUSSED IN THIS REPORT
Fire in the Minds of Men, by James H. Billington. Copyright 1980. 677 pages including extensive documentation. Basic Books, New York, N.Y., $25.00
Tragedy and Hope, by Carroll Quigley. Copyright 1966. The Macmillan Co., New York, N.Y. 1348 pages. Probably available from Alpine Enterprises, P.O. B?ox 766, Dearborn, Mich. 48121. Last quoted price, $27.00
The Anglo-American Establishment, by Carroll Quigley. Copyright 1981 by Books in Focus, Inc., P.O. Box 3481, Grand Central Station, New York, N.Y., 10163, 354 pages including extensive notes. $20.00
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