Year Twenty-Seven ... Number Eight ... February 22, 1980

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News Release: Republican presidential candidate George Bush today was branded "a Trojan horse of David Rockefeller and the discredited liberal Republican establishment" by Florida's largest bipartisan conservative political-education organization. The 30-member Board of Directors of the Florida Conservative Union approved the anti-Bush report "for the sole purpose of exposing the former Central Intelligence Agency director, who campaigns using conservative rhetoric but surrounds himself with Rockefeller-connected advisers..."

Condensation from FCU's anti-Bush Report:

The driving force is David Rockefeller. The purpose is to control the American government, regardless of which political party -- Democrat or Republican -- wins the presidency this November. The Trojan horse for this scheme is Connecticut-Yankee-turned-Texas-oilman George Herbert Walker Bush -- the out-of-nowhere Republican who openly admits he is using the same "game-plan" developed for Jimmy Carter in the 1976 presidential nomination campaign. It is not ironic that Bush would use the same formula that Carter did because in fact, both Bush and Carter are supported by the same Rockefeller operatives, by the people who plan to win whether the coin comes up heads or tails. Even President Carter appears to be aware that his masters are working both sides of the street; otherwise why would he have said publicly, as he did in 1978, that the Republican he would "least like" to face in 1980 was George Bush?

To understand this bizarre situation literally requires a book, but since few people read voraciously these days, this report will condense the basic facts and history behind the Bush phenomenon, the Carter phenomenon and the Rockefeller grand strategy.

Newsweek magazine, which certainly is not a bastion of conservatism, correctly reported (March 26, 1977): "Since the end of World War II, U.S. foreign policy has been dominated largely by a circle of influential men who belong to New York's Council on Foreign Relations. From Franklin D. Roosevelt to Jimmy Carter, every president has recruited Council luminaries -- its membership roll is a Who's Who of the Eastern Establishment elite -- for high-level diplomatic trouble-shooting missions or for top jobs in his administration. But the Council is not universally admired." (Emphasis ours).

The Chairman of the Board of CFR, it should be noted, is David Rockefeller. A director of the CFR who recently and suddenly resigned before his term expired was George Bush. The only Republican in the past 40 years to beat the CFR choice for GOP presidential nominee was Senator Barry Goldwater in 1964 -- but he was bloodied right up to the moment of nomination by who else but Nelson Rockefeller, with some last minute blows from former Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton (a current member of David Rockefeller's Trilateral Commission). Following the convention of Nelson, David and the rest of the Rockefeller clan and its many supporters among the foundations, news media, major corporations, banks, etc., did their best to destroy Goldwater's candidacy.

They succeeded. Senator Goldwater in his newly published, best-selling book, With No Apologies, warns that David Rockefeller's CFR and latest brainchild (the Trilateral Commission -- more on it later) are promoting their goals by a) seizing control of the political power in America (through both parties), b) centralizing power in Washington at an even faster clip, and c) de-emphasizing the importance of nationhood to reach their ultimate goal of a "new world order" - which the rest of us call one-world government. (Goldwater's final point is amply repeated in CFR's quarterly journal. Foreign Affairs, and in official Trilateral documents)... Nevertheless, to achieve their goals, the Rockefeller operatives and allies have never been afraid to mask their intentions or engage in duplicity. Such duplicity reached its apotheosis with the installation of James Earl Carter as President in 1977.

Although the CFR had been influential in presidential election battles since its inception after World War I, perhaps because the Watergate scandal had made presidential politics temporarily unpredictable, Rockefeller moved in 1973 to extend his influence. His new organization, an adjunct to the CFR, was called The Trilateral Commission. (North America was one "lateral," Europe the sceond "lateral," Japan the third). About 75 U.S. citizens currently are Trilateral Commissioners, and another 20 or so were tapped for membership but resigned to join the Carter Administration or for other "political reasons," (including George Bush who, as was the case with his CFR membership, recently resigned -- not because of policy disagreement but because, in his words, "I don't have time...") Immediately appointed as executive director of the Trilateral Commission was Zbigniew Brzezinski, who fairly shortly spelled out in writing the type of man, in his remarkedly accurate opinion, who would win the presidency three years later, in 1976: "The Democratic candidate in 1976 will have to emphasize work, the family, religion and, increasingly, partiotism... " (emphasis ours). At the same time, a country politician and former Georgia governor -- who loved to be photographed working at his peanut warehouse, whose family was as picturesque as the cast of Grand Ole Opry, who called himself a born-again Christian, who proclaimed his devotion to duty, honor and country as learned at the U.S. Naval Academy -- was invited to join the elite Trilateral Commission.

The "Outsider" from Plains, Georgia -- according to Dr. Peter Bourne, who advised the candidate on drug-law enforcement -- was personally tutored by David Rockefeller and Brzezinski on economics, foreign policy, and global politics. So, when Jimmy Carter became President, he naturally turned to Brzezinski to head the National Security Council, answerable only to the President. Subsequently, the President had appointed close to 20 U.S. members of the Trilateral Commission -- a huge chunk of its membership -- to high administrative positions, including Walter Mondale, whom he had designated as his vice-presidential runningmate.

While heavy Trilateral influence in the Carter Administration cannot be denied (although it has largely gone unreported in the popular media) similar influence in the Republican Party is a startling development to most Republicans. Trilateral influence at the Republican National Committee is at the very top inasmuch as RNC Chairman Bill Brock until recently was a Trilateral Commissioner resigning apparently because his membership had become an increasing liability. Brock proved his allegiance to the Trilateral Commission and banking interests was stronger than his interest in Republican policy, however, when in 1978 he ignored overwhelming GOP voters' opinion and a majority of U.S. Republican Senators on the issue of the Panama Canal Treaties ... Brock also effectively denied Gov. Ronald Reagan, a leading opponent of the treaties, the moral and political victory which would have enhanced Reagan's candidacy had the treaties been defeated. The shameful deceit of Brock on the issue deserves telling:

FACT: The Republican National Committee, presumably with the approval of Chairman Brock, invited Gov. Reagan to sign a letter urging Republicans to contribute money to the national party organization to fight the Panama treaties.
FACT: The Reagan letters went out and the money rolled in.
FACT: U.S. Senator Paul Laxalt of Nevada, heading a traveling "truth squad" to generate public opinion against the treaties, asked Brock to contribute a portion of the GOP funds raised by the letter toward defraying travel expenses of the squad.
FACT: Brock refused to release a single penny.
FACT: The Republican National Committee under Brock did nothing to fight the treaties and, in effect, committed mail fraud.

Whether Brock, sub rosa, is promoting Bush or undermining Reagan is not immaterial to rank-and-file Republicans. And since the power of a national party chairman is awesome at a national convention (rules, credentials, etc), FCU urges conservative GOP activists, party officials and delegates to keep their eyes on Brock between now and the convention at Detroit in July. In the meantime, voters deserve more information about some of the people contributing to (as of Dec. 31, 1979) and working for the Bush campaign, including:

  • David Rockefeller, chairman of the powerful Council on Foreign Relations and its Trilateral offshoot. Rockefeller has contributed the maximum amount to Bush's campaign allowed by law, $1,000. Other members of the Rockefeller clan and enterprises have not missed the signal. Those in this category who have contributed to Bush include Edwin S. Rockefeller, $1,000; Godfrey A. Rockefeller, $1,000; Helen C. Rockefeller, $1,000; Laurence S. Rockefeller, $1,000; Mary F. Rockefeller, $1,000; Rodman Rockefeller, $1,000; George Champion of Chase Manhattan Bank, $1,000; Peter Crisp of Rockefeller Family & Associates, $250; Mr. Dilworth, Jr. of Rockefeller Family & Associates, $1,000; and Alton Marshall of Rockefeller Center, Inc., $1,000.
  • John Cowles, Jr., Chairman of the Minneapolis Star & Tribune, Trilateral Commissioner, contributed $1,000 (relatives John Cowles, Sr., and Gardner Cowles each matched the $1,000 contribution).
  • Barber B. Conable, Bush Steering Committee member; a longtime Rockefeller ally, a Trilateralist Commissioner, contributed $1,000.
  • William A. Hewitt, Chairman of Deere & Co., Trilateralist Commissioner. He contributed $1,000. Relatives and an associate contributing include Adrienne Hewitt, $650; Anna Hewitt, $650; Patricia W. Hewitt, $1,000; and -- no first name reported -- Hawk Jr. of Deere & Co., $175.
  • Carla A. Hills, Washington lawyer and former secretary of HUD, a Trilateral Commissioner, $1,000.
  • Robert S. Ingersoll, former Deputy Secretary of State, a Trilateral Commissioner, $500.
  • Paul W. McCracken, former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, a Trilateral Commissioner, $500.
  • David Packard, former Deputy of Defense Secretary , a Trilateral Commissioner, $1,000.
  • William T. Coleman, former secretary of Transportation, Trilateral Commission, $1,000.
  • Robert Taft, Jr., former U.S. Senator, Trilateral Commissioner, $1,000.
  • Edson W. Spencer, Honeywell, Inc., Trilateral Commissioner, $250.
  • Arthur R. Taylor, investor, Trilateral Commissioner, $500.
  • Russell E. Train, former Administrator, EPA, Trilateral Commissioner, $1,000.
  • Martha R. Wallace, Henry Luce Foundation, Trilateral Commissioner, $500.
  • George Weyerhaeuser, Weyerhaeuser Co., Trilateral Commissioner, $1,000.
  • C. Douglas Dillion, former Kennedy Secretary of the Treasury, Director of CFR, $1,000. (Wife Phyllis gave $1,000, and the following employees of Dillon Read & Co. also contributed: Nicholas Brady, $1,000; Peter Flanigan, $1,000; Frederick Cook, $250; Ellis Klingeman, $300.
  • William C. Foster, Director of CFR, $125.
  • Phillip D. Reed, Director of CFR, $250.
  • John H. Williams, Director of CFR, $250.
  • J. Irwin Miller, Director of CFR, $500.

While 15 Trilateral Commissioners and five Council on Foreign Relations Directors have directly contributed to Bush's campaign, other Trilateral Commissioners -- while not contributing for the record -- clearly have had some influence on their colleagues in the private sector. For example, Robert Roosa, a Trilateral Commissioner and part of the Rockefeller Foundation, is a partner in Brown Brothers, Harriman & Company. Roosa had not contributed by year's end, yet 15 employees of his company or their spouses collectively contributed $9,000.

  • Stefan Halper, newly appointed "Issues Director" of the Bush campaign who is developing the candidate's position papers; formerly was legislative assistant to Senator William Roth of Delaware, a Trilateral Commissioner.
  • Peter Teeley, Bush's press secretary, served in an identical capacity under GOP Chairman and former Trilateralist Commissioner Bill Brock, and previously worked for Senator Jacob Jarvis of New York, a long-time Nelson Rockefeller ally.
  • Susan Morrison, Bush's deputy press secretary, left her job as a press aide at the Democratic National Committee to join Bush's campaign, and in 1972 was a staff member of the presidential campaign of George McGovern.
  • George Wittgraf, Bush's Iowa State chairman and architect of the caucus victory in January, was an active participant and leader of previous Nelson Rockefeller presidential campaigns in that State.

The above list and information is doubtless incomplete. The Florida Conservative Union invites the news media and all other concerned Americans to look even deeper into the strange candidacy of George Herbert Walker Bush. (End of news release from Mike Thompson, Chairman of Florida Conservative Union, 20 SE 8th Street, Miami, Florida, 33131).

This FCU report should make it obvious that there is an Internationalist Cabal whose goal is World Government. Equally obvious: this Cabal controls both the Democrat and Republican political parties. Hence, in November the people will have a choice between Trilateralist Carter and Trilateralist Bush. However, "We are troubled on every side, yet not distressed; we are perplexed, but not in despair; Persecuted, but not foresaken; cast down, but not destroyed."

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